Adjustedtosteep
2 일 전
The term "Great Reset" refers to a concept introduced by the World Economic Forum (WEF) in 2020, primarily as a response to the economic and social disruptions caused by the COVID-19 pandemic. It’s been described as a vision for rebuilding global economies and societies in a way that addresses systemic issues like inequality, climate change, and technological disruption. But it’s also sparked a lot of debate, with interpretations ranging from optimistic reform to conspiratorial overreach, depending on who’s talking. Let’s break it down.
Core Idea from the WEF
The WEF, led by figures like Klaus Schwab, framed the Great Reset as an opportunity to "reset" the global economy post-COVID. The argument was that the pandemic exposed vulnerabilities—fragile supply chains, healthcare disparities, and environmental risks—and offered a chance to fix them. Key pillars include:
Stakeholder Capitalism: Moving beyond shareholder profit to prioritize broader societal goals, like sustainability and fairness. Think companies balancing profit with environmental and social responsibility.
Sustainability: Accelerating green initiatives, like renewable energy and carbon reduction, to combat climate change.
Digital Transformation: Leveraging tech (AI, automation, digital infrastructure) to modernize economies while addressing issues like job displacement.
Equity and Inclusion: Reducing wealth gaps, improving access to education and healthcare, and tackling systemic inequalities.
The WEF’s pitch was for governments, businesses, and civil society to collaborate on policies that create more resilient, equitable systems. They held events like Davos meetings to push this, emphasizing phrases like “build back better.”
Why It’s Controversial
While the WEF presented it as a cooperative framework, the Great Reset became a lightning rod for skepticism. Critics, especially on platforms like X, see it as a power grab by global elites. Here’s why:
Vague Language: Terms like “reset” sound dramatic, and the WEF’s broad proposals left room for interpretation. Some read it as code for top-down control, not reform.
Centralized Power Concerns: Ideas like global coordination and digital IDs (for things like vaccine tracking) raised fears of surveillance or loss of sovereignty. Posts on X often highlight distrust in institutions like the WEF, UN, or governments pushing these plans.
Economic Overhaul Fears: Suggestions to rethink capitalism—paired with phrases like “you’ll own nothing and be happy” (from a 2016 WEF video about future trends)—fed narratives of forced collectivism or property loss, even if that wasn’t the explicit intent.
Conspiracy Theories: The term got tangled in broader theories about New World Order or technocratic dystopias. Some claim it’s a deliberate plan to erode freedoms, citing policies like lockdowns or ESG (Environmental, Social, Governance) frameworks as stepping stones.
What’s Actually Happening?
On the ground, “Great Reset” isn’t a single policy or event—it’s more a buzzword. Some initiatives tied to it are real but predate the term:
Green Policies: Countries are pushing net-zero goals (e.g., EU’s Green Deal), which align with WEF’s sustainability focus but aren’t new.
Tech Shifts: Digital currencies and AI regulations are advancing globally, fitting the WEF’s tech transformation angle, but driven by market and state interests, not a WEF mandate.
Social Reforms: Efforts to address inequality, like universal basic income trials, exist but vary widely by country and aren’t centrally coordinated.
However, there’s no evidence of a unified “Great Reset” plan being enforced globally. The WEF is an influential think tank, not a governing body—it can’t dictate policy. Still, its sway with leaders fuels suspicion.
The Divide in Perception
Proponents (WEF, some policymakers) see it as a call for pragmatic modernization. They argue global challenges like climate change need collective action, and capitalism can evolve without collapsing.
Critics (libertarians, populists, X users) view it as a pretext for control, whether by governments, corporations, or unelected elites. They point to real policies—like Canada’s digital ID proposals or ESG scoring—as potential slippery slopes.
My Take
The Great Reset, as pitched, is a mix of idealistic goals and technocratic jargon that’s easy to misinterpret. It’s less a conspiracy than a poorly communicated vision—one that assumes everyone trusts global institutions to play fair. But skepticism is warranted: history shows centralized plans often overpromise and underdeliver, and power tends to concentrate unless checked. The truth likely lies in the messy middle—some reforms are practical, others risk overreach, and the term itself has become a Rorschach test for people’s fears or hopes.
If you’re curious about specific claims (like digital IDs or property rights), I can dig deeper or check X for what people are saying. Want me to focus on anything in particular?
sctts
4 일 전
Nah, We're fine
The lowest price per barrel of oil at which companies stop drilling varies depending on several factors, including the type of oil production, location, operational costs, and the financial strategies of individual companies. There’s no single universal threshold, but I can provide a range based on available data and industry insights.
For U.S. shale oil producers, particularly in regions like the Permian Basin, breakeven prices for drilling new wells typically range from $48 to $69 per barrel of West Texas Intermediate (WTI) oil, according to surveys like the Dallas Fed Energy Survey from recent years. Smaller or less efficient companies often need prices closer to $60–$70 to remain profitable, while larger, more efficient operators (e.g., ExxonMobil or Chevron) can sustain drilling at lower prices, around $25–$35 per barrel, due to economies of scale and low-cost assets. Below these levels, many companies halt new drilling projects because the costs of exploration, drilling, and completion exceed the revenue from selling the oil.
For existing wells, the threshold is lower since the upfront capital costs are already sunk. Operating expenses for existing wells in the Permian Basin can be covered at prices as low as $30–$38 per barrel. If oil prices drop below this range, companies may start shutting in production (temporarily stopping output) rather than drilling new wells, though some might continue if they’ve hedged their production at higher prices through futures contracts.
Globally, the picture shifts. Offshore projects, Arctic drilling, and heavy oil production (e.g., Canadian tar sands) often require $50–$70 per barrel or more to be viable due to higher extraction costs. When prices fall below these levels for an extended period—say, below $40–$45—activity in these regions tends to slow or stop entirely, as seen during the 2020 oil price crash when WTI briefly hit negative territory and Brent fell to around $20.
Historically, drilling activity has plummeted when prices linger below $30–$40 for months, as seen in 2016 and 2020. However, some companies might persist at lower prices if they anticipate a rebound, have strong balance sheets, or face pressure to maintain output. Posts on X from 2025 suggest sentiment aligns with this, noting slowdowns below $60–$62, though anecdotal claims of drilling continuing at $48 indicate variability.
So, the tipping point where most companies stop drilling new wells is roughly $40–$50 per barrel for U.S. shale, with higher thresholds ($60+) for less efficient or costlier operations. Below $30, even the most resilient producers start to pull back significantly, focusing only on maintaining existing output—if that. It’s a sliding scale, not a hard cutoff, driven by cash flow, debt, and market expectations.